Construct · 4 fields · 6 citations
One name. Different field. Different construct. One map.
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In Gottfredson and Hirschi's general theory of crime, self-control is a stable trait laid down by early childhood socialization and roughly fixed once a child is about ten. Low self-control bundles impulsivity, risk-seeking, a short time horizon, a preference for simple tasks and physical activity, self-centeredness, and a quick temper, and the theory claims it is the single common cause of crime and of analogous acts such as smoking, drinking, and reckless driving. The referent is a durable propensity inside the person, not a state that comes and goes and not a choice made in one moment. Gottfredson and Hirschi set it out in their 1990 book A General Theory of Crime, and Grasmick and colleagues built the standard attitudinal scale for it in 1993. What defines this meaning is that the trait is early-forming and, in the theory, close to permanent.[1][2]
In personality and social psychology, self-control is the capacity to override or change one's inner responses and to interrupt and hold back unwanted behavior, in the service of long-term goals and standards. Tangney, Baumeister, and Boone treated it as an individual difference and reported in 2004 that people higher in it earned better grades, showed less psychopathology, managed impulses and emotions better, and had steadier relationships. This meaning is a general regulatory ability rather than a criminal propensity, and it is tied to the broader idea of self-regulation. Their Self-Control Scale, in a 36-item form and a 13-item brief form, is the usual measure. Unlike the criminological trait, this capacity was thought within the wider research program to be something practice could strengthen.[3]
Baumeister and colleagues proposed that acts of self-control draw on a single limited resource that works like a muscle: exerting control on one task leaves less available for the next, a short-lived state they named ego depletion. Here self-control is not a fixed trait but a fluctuating strength that can run down within minutes and, they argued, be restored by rest or built up by training. Their 1998 studies showed effort on a first self-control task predicting poorer performance on an unrelated second task. This resource picture was influential, but a large preregistered multilab replication led by Hagger and colleagues in 2016 found the depletion effect close to zero, and the claim is now openly contested. The defining feature of this meaning is that self-control is a momentary, shared capacity rather than a stable property of the person.[4][5]
In developmental psychology, self-control often means delay of gratification: forgoing a smaller reward now to obtain a larger one later. Mischel's marshmallow paradigm leaves a preschooler alone with a treat and the option to wait for a bigger one, and the outcome is the number of seconds the child holds out. Mischel, Shoda, and Rodriguez reported in 1989 that longer waiting in preschool went with better cognitive and social competence years later, and that how long a child waited depended heavily on attention strategies such as looking away or reframing the treat. This meaning names a behavior in a specific situation, not a questionnaire trait, and later studies that added family and background controls found the long-run predictive link weaker than the early work suggested. What sets it apart is that it is timed conduct in a task, shaped by the situation.[6]
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